Optimize your vision. You will never go further than the vision that guides you. In order to achieve more than you ever thought possible, optimize your vision for the future. See for yourself a future that is bigger, bolder and brighter than your past. It is the capacity to see the invisible that inspires us to do the seemingly impossible. A compelling and fully optimized vision can change your life, your business, your community and even humanity. Vision is the only thing that has ever lead to change.
Optimize your energy. Energy, not time, is the fundamental currency of high performance. Those who reach peak performance engage fully and disengage completely, periodically. That act of disengagement allows for essential reflection and renewal. As obvious as this seems, we often fail to take into account the importance energy has in our lives. Absent of the correct quantity, quality, focus and forces of energy, we all become compromised in any endeavor we undertake. Remember, a
Music Video Promotion: Five things you need to consider before shooting your next music video
Music Video Promotion: Five things you need to consider before shooting your next music video
andy gesner music video promotion
Written by Andy Gesner – Owner / president of HIP Video Promo and the brand new HIP Video Productions
Greetings! It’s Andy Gesner at HIP Video Promo, and today I’ll be exploring and commenting on the five things you need to consider seriously before shooting your next music video. Preparing a new music video for release has many nuanced steps and most often requires extensive commitment, labor, and attention to detail, not to mention financial resources. Assure yourself the best return on investment by implementing these five profoundly important considerations before writing your treatment.
Here’s a video to show how HIP Video Promo can help you!
If you want to learn more about the top five things you need to consider before shooting your next music video,
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Explore Silver Berry Homes and Condos
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It’s hard, if not impossible, to make the hiring process a science. While establishing a systematic approach to hiring can and will improve the outcomes, there is still an art to choosing your next new hire.
Every artist has theories about why one hiring selection goes smoothly and another one does not, but as any good manager can tell you, it is all about timing. Like all theories, they get debated and passed around. Over time, they can become codified and cast in cement, when actually they should be cast out the window.
Here is a look at three common misconceptions about hiring that you might not realize are making the job selection process harder, not easier.
I Will Find the Perfect Candidate
Like a good manager or recruiter, you have put together a full list of criteria and a comprehensive job description. Do you see it
The Liberals lost support in every province across Canada in yesterday’s federal election, and it cost them their majority government.
But it wasn’t enough to cost them power.
Justin Trudeau will remain prime minister because voters in Quebec and Ontario didn’t want to give the job to Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer.
The Liberals took a beating from coast to coast. With 33 per cent of the vote, the party lost 6.5 percentage points from the last federal election in 2015. It put the Liberals behind the Conservatives, who jumped 2.5 points to a little more than 34 per cent.
For the first time since 1979, the party that won the most votes didn’t win the most seats — and by a healthy margin.
With 157 seats, the Liberals have a big minority government. But nearly three-quarters of the Liberal caucus will hail from just two provinces, Ontario and Quebec, while two other provinces — Alberta and Saskatchewan — won’t have a single member sitting on the governing benches.
That alone explains much of what happened last night.
Ontario electoral map doesn’t look that different
The Liberal vote in Ontario and Quebec held up pretty well. In Quebec, the Liberals dropped to 34 per cent support, a little more than a percentage point from 2015. In the process, the Liberals lost six seats to the Bloc Québécois, which surged by about 13 percentage points in the province — though not enough to topple the Liberals as the most popular party in Quebec.
In Ontario, the Liberals were down only about three percentage points, still managing to take over 41 per cent of the vote in the province and outpacing the Conservatives by a significant margin. That only cost the Liberals a net loss of one seat.
The key for the Liberals was holding their vote in the decisive Greater Toronto Area. They swept all 25 of Toronto’s seats and even increased their share of the vote slightly. They also came out of the surrounding suburbs with 24 of 29 seats — identical to where they were on election night in 2015.
Losses to the Conservatives in a handful of rural ridings were made up for with a few gains in southwestern Ontario. Electorally, the province doesn’t look much different than it did four years ago.
And that is why the Conservatives came up short.
Conservative gains not where they needed them
With disappointing results in Atlantic Canada — the Conservatives captured just four seats — and underwhelming performances in Quebec, the significant gains the Conservatives made in Western Canada were not nearly enough. The GTA was always the most important place for Scheer to make gains if he was to win this election. It didn’t happen. Instead, the Conservative share of the vote dropped by about five points in the region.
There was something about the Conservative message that didn’t resonate with Ontarians. Everywhere else in the country outside of Quebec the Conservative vote went up. The gains were most significant in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta, where the party’s share of the vote jumped by double-digits.
But there were only so many new seats to grab in that part of the country. The Conservatives took back the four seats in Alberta they lost to the Liberals in 2015 and swept all of Saskatchewan. Two Liberal seats in the suburbs around Winnipeg also fell to the Conservatives.
Those are important gains for the Conservatives, including the defeat of Liberal cabinet ministers Amarjeet Sohi in Edmonton Mill Woods and Ralph Goodale in Regina–Wascana. It was this surge in support in Western Canada — which did not pay off much in terms of seat gains — that is behind the Conservatives’ popular vote win.
Just look at Alberta. Only one of the 33 Conservatives elected in the province failed to get a majority of ballots cast in their riding. Most of them get more than 70 per cent of the vote.
But that just ran up the numbers where the Conservatives already held seats. It was the Liberals’ ability to hold on to their seats in Central and Eastern Canada by narrower margins that made the difference. In all, the Liberals lost 15 seats west of Ontario, more than their combined losses east of the Lakehead.
NDP, Greens struggle to get their vote out
Another factor that contributed to the somewhat unexpected scale of the Liberal win was the performance of the New Democrats and the Greens.
The Greens, who have historically underperformed compared to polling expectations in virtually every election at both the federal and provincial levels, stayed true to that tradition. Their support was slipping in the final days of the campaign and dropped to just 6.5 per cent on election night — a disappointing result considering that the Greens managed to get 6.8 per cent of the vote in the 2008 federal election when they failed to win a single seat.
The party held its two seats on Vancouver Island but wasn’t able to make the hoped-for gains in the region. A win in Fredericton looks more like an exception — the result of the increased popularity of the Green brand in Atlantic Canada following provincial breakthroughs in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, along with a collapse of the NDP vote in these two provinces.
But it was the performance of the New Democrats that was more of a surprise. While the Greens were trending down, the NDP was riding some momentum going into election day. In the end, the NDP performance didn’t match its polling, taking about 16 per cent of the vote nationwide when most polls showed the party in the 18 to 19 per cent range.
This underachievement was most obvious in seats in which the NDP has historically had some strength and should have been more competitive. In Atlantic Canada, the NDP finished a distant third in Acadie-Bathurst and was about 12 points behind the Liberals in Halifax.
Some of the seats targeted by the NDP in central Toronto were won by the Liberals by big margins: 14 percentage points in Toronto–Danforth and 16 points in Parkdale–High Park. Conservative gains in the Toronto suburbs was one thing the Liberals had to be worried about. NDP progress in the downtown core was the other. Neither happened.
Climate of change in Quebec
Quebec maintained its reputation as the most volatile province in recent Canadian elections. Fully 25 of its 78 seats changed hands — nearly as much as the rest of the country combined.
While a few individual Liberal candidates knocked off some NDP incumbents, on the whole, there were a lot of losses in Quebec. The Liberals dropped six seats, the NDP lost all but one of its seats and the Conservatives fell from 12 Quebec MPs in 2015 to 10. People’s Party Leader Maxime Bernier was defeated.
The Bloc returned with a vengeance, just finishing behind the Liberals in the popular vote and taking 32 seats, the party’s best performance since the 2008 election and a result that suggests the Bloc was the top choice of francophones in the province.
With the exception of the traditional Liberal strongholds of Montreal, Laval and the Outaouais, the Bloc won every region of the province — even knocking off a few Conservative incumbents in the Quebec City region. It was largely at the expense of the New Democrats that the Bloc made its return, with only NDP MP Alexandre Boulerice in Rosemont–La Petite-Patrie surviving the cull.
What’s the path to a majority now?
It raises a few questions about the future of every party in the House of Commons.
Where do the New Democrats go from here in Quebec, the province that took them to official opposition party status in 2011 and put them in the running to form a government in 2015?
What do the Greens have to do to make sure their support doesn’t disappear on election day?
And is the Bloc back for good?
The questions for the Conservatives and Liberals are more existential. The future of both parties looks murky when the Liberals have been pushed out of much of Western Canada and francophone Quebec. The Conservatives activated their base once again, but they lack representation in some of Canada’s biggest cities and took a significant step backwards in their outreach to Quebec.
Unless either party can figure out how to reconnect with these electorates, neither will be in the running to form a majority government in the near future. In the short term, it’s all about making the next Parliament function. In the longer term, it is about bridging the divides that are polarizing the country — and potentially making minority governments all the more likely.
Area burned in 2019 forest fires in Indonesia exceeds 2018 – official
The amount of land in Indonesia consumed by fires through September this year has exceeded the amount burned during all of 2018, according to data given by a government official on Monday.
Raffles Panjaitan, forest fire management acting director at the Forestry and Environment Ministry, told reporters that by the end of September 2019 a total of 857,756 hectares (2.12 million acres) had been burned. (The area burned is 52 per cent larger than Prince Edward Island, which has a total area of 566,000 hectares.)
That is more than the 529,267 hectares that burned in 2018, according to Indonesian government data. The fires have consumed the most land since 2015, when government data showed 2.6 million hectares burned.
The area burned surged from 328,724 hectares that was consumed between January and August, Panjaitan said, and added that the size of the burned area is expected to continue expanding this month, although not “as drastic” as last month’s.
“Fire fighting is continued to be carried out, even today the teams are on the ground working to prevent escalation,” Panjaitan said.
The country has spent months to battle forest fires in Sumatra and Borneo that have caused thick haze which drifted over neighbouring Malaysia and Singapore.
Rain has started falling in some areas on Sumatra which offered some respite, but Panjaitan does not expect the rainy season to fully arrive until around mid-November.
Linked to palm cultivation
Forest and peat fires typically take place in Sumatra and Borneo, often linked to slash-and-burn practices to clear areas for palm cultivation.
However, Panjaitan warned that there are rising cases of fire in Java island, including in conservation areas.
On Sunday, the country’s disaster mitigation agency said four hikers were evacuated from Mount Ranti in East Java due to forest fire.
“In Java, the fires are usually unintentional because people who went to hike throw away cigarette butts carelessly,” Panjaitan said.
Inside a subdued Milton, Ont., pub, Conservative MP Lisa Raitt thanks supporters after losing to a rookie Liberal candidate, former Olympian Adam van Koeverden. The defeat is a significant personal political loss for the veteran politician, but also a symbol of the disappointing finish for her party in Ontario.
“The reality is that is not the result we wanted, unfortunately,” Raitt said.
Nor is it the result the Conservatives had hoped for across the province, where they gained a trickle of seats but fell short of what they hoped to achieve.
“The Liberals essentially held their own and the Conservatives couldn’t break through,” said Elly Alboim, an associate professor of journalism at Carleton University.
In Milton, a city of just over 100,000 located about 60 kilometres west of Toronto, the Liberals did more than hold their own, recruiting Olympic gold medal champion van Koeverden to try and topple a former cabinet minister, leadership contender, deputy party leader and all around political giant.
Milton is just one of the coveted 905 and Greater Toronto Area ridings, and one the Conservatives needed to keep and build upon in order to form some kind of government whether majority or even minority.
The province itself is widely viewed as essential to electoral victory, and it became a focal point for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau and Conservative Leaders Andrew Scheer, who made repeated stops here.
But the fact that the Liberals did bleed some seats in the province and across Canada suggests there was an opportunity for the Conservatives in Ontario, said Myer Siemiatycki, professor emeritus of political science at Ryerson University.
“There were all kinds of seats in 905, in kind of semi-rural, quasi-urban Ontario, that were there to be had for Mr. Scheer. He didn’t get them.
“Even though they picked up some seats in Ontario [it was] not nearly enough and not nearly as many that not that long ago were being projected,” he said.
Toronto itself remained a sea of red, and so did areas where the Conservatives hoped to make inroads, in ridings like Brampton and Mississauga.
So why were the Conservatives unable to make the electoral gains in the province?
When Raitt was asked the question, she said simply: “I have no idea,” and that she would have to go over the results with her staff.
Alboim suggested there’s no law of physics that precludes the Tories from gaining support in Ontario
But the Harper Conservatives made great gains in the then Liberal-dominated parts of Ontario in 2011. And in 2018, led by Doug Ford, the Progressive Conservatives won a decisive majority in the province.
The reason for the Conservatives disappointing results may, in part, have to do with tradition, said Queens University political science professor Kathy Brock. Voters in Ontario vote opposite to the government that’s in Ottawa, she said.
“There’s a natural balance that occurs.”
But Alboim said he thinks other factors were in play, like “the NDP collapse” in Ontario and the failure of the Greens to advance, which allowed the Liberals “to cash in.”
The outstanding question of the night is whether strategic voting played a significant role, he said.
While it’s too early to determine, Alboim said he thinks “it’s very likely that enough NDP voters voted Liberal to keep the status quo.”
And that leads to the so-called ‘Doug Ford’ factor, and how much the growing discontent with the premier prompted some Ontarians to deprive political power to a Conservative federal leader.
According to a Vote Compass survey, it just may have played a defining role. Nearly 25,000 respondents were asked whether Ford’s policies in Ontario made you more or less likely to consider voting for the Conservative Party in the upcoming federal election. Fifty-one per cent said they were much less likely, while 12 per cent said somewhat less likely.
“Doug Ford’s support has dropped so precipitously since his election. To align himself to Doug Ford I think probably would have cost Mr. Scheer even more,” Siemiatycki said.
“As eager as Mr. Trudeau was to speak about Doug Ford, conversely to the same intense degree Andrew Scheer was determined not to mention the name.”
Referendum of Ford
Trudeau turned much of his campaign into a referendum of Ford, with an attempt to link him, and his unpopular cuts, to Scheer.
During one campaign stop in Hamilton, Trudeau invoked the premier’s name 14 times (including twice in French).
Ford’s absence on the campaign trail became a bit of a political albatross for Scheer, forcing him to field questions from reporters about whether he was intentionally avoiding the premier.
(Ford himself addressed the issue saying he was busy governing the province and wasn’t going to involve himself in the federal campaign.)
“The Conservatives must have had internal polling showing them it would be a liability for the party,” Siemiatycki said.
WATCH: Andrew Scheer says despite loss, Conservatives are ‘government in waiting’
Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer says he’s looking forward to heading back to Ottawa with a bigger Conservative team while speaking to reporters in Regina, Sask. 1:29
However, as Brock, the Queen’s professor noted, the Liberals didn’t make any big gains in the province, either. Some of that may have had to do with the effects of the SNC-Lavalin affair, which she thinks had an impact on holding and depressing the party’s vote.
But Brock said the Liberals may have also hit too-hard “on the anti-Ford note.”
“I think that took them so far, and it took them places with their traditional voters. But I don’t think it won them the vote in the 905 that they hoped that it would win them.”
Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer ran his party’s federal election campaign as a referendum on the performance of Justin Trudeau and the Liberals over the last four years.
Now the results are in: a minority government for Trudeau, a slightly larger caucus for the Conservatives — and new pressure on Scheer’s leadership.
Beyond a promise to voters to make life more affordable through tax cuts, Scheer said Canadians should back Conservatives in this election because Trudeau had lost the “moral authority to govern” after the SNC-Lavalin scandal and the ‘brownface’ photos surfaced. A substantial number of Canadians didn’t agree.
While Scheer did not pick up enough seats to form a government, he did hold Trudeau to a minority. But more than that, the Conservative party appears to have won the popular vote thanks in part to lopsided victories in the West.
In his address to party supporters Monday, Scheer gave no indication that he would be resigning his position as leader.
“While tonight’s result isn’t what we wanted, I’m also incredibly proud, proud of our team and proud of the bigger and stronger Conservative team that we’ll send to Ottawa,” Scheer said.
Andrew Scheer says the Conservatives are the ‘government in waiting’
Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer says he’s looking forward to heading back to Ottawa with a bigger Conservative team while speaking to reporters in Regina, Sask. 1:29
“Tonight, Conservatives have put Justin Trudeau on notice and Mr. Trudeau, when your government falls, Conservatives will be ready and we will win.”
Scheer failed to substantially bolster his party’s standings in the House of Commons. The Conservatives return to Parliament with roughly 20 more seats than former prime minister Stephen Harper won in 2015.
In once deep-blue ridings in places like Atlantic Canada and Ontario, Liberal candidates managed to fight off their Conservative challengers. The party failed to make any gains in Quebec. Deputy party leader Lisa Raitt, a Conservative stalwart and a Red Tory, went down to defeat in the suburban Toronto riding of Milton.
Conservative Deputy Leader Lisa Raitt loses in Milton, Ont.
In her concession speech, Ontario Conservative candidate Lisa Raitt says it has been an honour to serve as the deputy leader of her party. 0:51
The Conservative election strategy — sticking to tried-and-true Conservative policies like tax cuts while rejecting substantive climate action to motivate the dedicated Tory base — failed to sway enough independent-minded voters in Central and Eastern Canada.
Scheer was able to tap into the palpable anger in Western Canada — particularly in the Prairies, where the Liberal government has been accused of stifling the oil and gas sector with policies like the northern B.C. oil tanker ban and the controversial overhaul of the environmental assessment regime.
Conservative candidates toppled all Liberal MPs in Alberta and Saskatchewan, including long-time Liberal MP and cabinet minister Ralph Goodale. In Alberta, Conservative candidates secured an eye-popping 70 per cent of the vote. In Saskatchewan, Tories swept all the seats with more than 67 per cent of the vote.
But Scheer’s future as Conservative leader is now in doubt.
Scheer said Monday’s result is just the “first step” and the popular vote success of the party in this election means that the Conservatives are now the “government in waiting.”
Under the Conservative Party constitution, if the party fails to form government — and if the leader has not yet formally signalled an intention to resign — then delegates can vote at the next party convention to hold a leadership race. If more more than 50 per cent of the votes cast at the convention favour such an option, that would trigger a leadership race.
Of course, Scheer might resign before that leadership review vote is even necessary.
Andrew Scheer’s full election night speech
Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer speaks to supporters in Regina, Sask. Scheer won his Regina-Qu’Appelle riding. 10:44
While Trudeau’s campaign was beset by scandal, Scheer also faced questions about his resume and his political positions. Scheer appeared awkward when asked about social issues like gay marriage and abortion. There were also questions about his past as an insurance broker (he was never actually licensed to sell insurance) and his dual Canada-U.S. citizenship.
Scheer was first elected in his adopted hometown of Regina in 2004, beating long-time NDP MP Lorne Nystrom.
After years on the Conservative backbench in opposition and then in government, Scheer served as deputy speaker in the House of Commons before taking the big chair himself after the 2011 election.
Conservative party members were forced to pick a new leader after the electoral thumping in 2015. At the outset of that leadership race, Scheer struggled to stand out in the crowded field of 17 candidates who were vying to replace Stephen Harper.
With media attention focused on higher-profile candidates like Kellie Leitch, Kevin O’Leary and Maxime Bernier, Scheer quietly assembled a significant amount of “second choice” support among members.
He courted socially conservative voters — a not insignificant portion of the Conservative leadership voting base — but also more moderate elements of the party who feared Bernier’s strident libertarianism would be a turn-off for the general voting public. He narrowly beat Bernier by less than 2 points on the 13th and final ballot.
Scheer acknowledged early that his policy proposals were not all that different from those of his predecessor. He willingly embraced the “Stephen Harper with a smile” label, saying he would govern like Harper but with less of a stern image.
When he assumed the helm of his party, the Liberals were still flying high in the polls.
But Scheer scored some wins as an opposition leader, like a come-from-behind victory in a Quebec byelection. He capitalized on Liberal scandals — like Trudeau’s much-maligned trip to India — and some ethical lapses, like Trudeau’s trip to a private island in the Bahamas.
And with the SNC-Lavalin affair, Scheer sought to paint Trudeau as a man unfit to govern after inappropriately pressuring his justice minister. His efforts paid off in the early months of 2019 as Liberal popular support numbers dipped significantly.
Scheer launched the campaign with a promise to make life more affordable for Canadians (“It’s time for you to get ahead” was the chosen slogan) by promising to revive Harper-era policies that were dismantled by the Liberals.
Scheer committed to a children’s fitness and arts tax credit, a public transit tax credit, a new green home retrofit tax credit and a “universal tax cut” to slash income taxes for middle-income Canadians.
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The president of oil and gas producer Whitecap Resources expects the mood in the office today will be “not good” after the Liberals were able to hold onto power with a minority government.
After the oilpatch celebrated the victory of the United Conservative Party government in Alberta in the spring, many in the sector were eager for a double dose of good fortune in 2019 with a Conservative victory on the federal stage.
Those hopes were dashed.
Not only did the Liberals win, but the minority victory adds an extra element of uncertainty.
Grant Fagerheim, with Whitecap, anticipates many of his employees will now be asking: “Where do we go from here?”
The oilpatch’s woes began before Trudeau was elected in 2015, but the sector has often complained about some of the Liberal Party’s policies such as the carbon tax, the proposed clean fuel standard, changes to how pipelines and other major projects are reviewed, and a ban on oil tankers off a part of British Columbia’s coast.
Some companies were holding back on making certain decisions, such as hiring and proceeding with projects, pending Monday’s election outcome.
“We have to definitely look at pulling back on spending,” said Fagerheim, adding further job losses in the sector would be “a travesty.”
The Conservative Party had made campaign pledges seen as much more friendly to the industry, such as an energy corridor across the country and much less stringent environmental policies.
Trudeau’s spotty record
Trudeau seemed to have a hot and cold relationship with the oilpatch. He visited the province every year since the 2015 election, including a few trips specifically to Fort McMurray. The Liberal government funded innovation in the energy sector and gave $1.6 billion in support to the oilpatch last year.
The Liberals also purchased the Trans Mountain expansion pipeline when it looked like the project was falling apart.
Still, the oilpatch never seemed to trust Trudeau, at least in part because of his father’s decisions decades earlier that crippled the industry — namely, the National Energy Program. The policy was aimed at asserting more federal control over the energy industry and contributed to substantial job losses in Alberta and a real estate market crash.
Trudeau’s comments about “phasing out” the oilsands in 2017 seemed to confirm his doubters in Alberta, even though the prime minister was talking about a slow transition away from fossil fuels.
The Trans Mountain purchase received limited support in Alberta, since many blamed the federal government for not supporting the project more before it had to step in as a last resort.
“It’s a sad day for Western Canada. It probably means more job losses for Alberta,” said Robert Cooper, with the institutional sales and trading team at Calgary-based investment firm Acumen Capital Partners.
He anticipates companies will slash spending and investors will further shy away from the oilpatch.
“We’ve already seen the massive slowdown in drilling and overall activity. When you have a government that is strangling you out of existence, your risk tolerance just went out the door,” he said.
What the sector deems anti-energy policies of the last four years will continue, Cooper said, “especially if [the Liberals] are pushed from further on the left — then I think it’s clear the strangulation of Alberta and Saskatchewan’s resource-based economy will continue.”
What about that pipeline?
Besides low oil and gas prices, the biggest challenge for the sector is a lack of new export pipelines. Trudeau can hardly be blamed for some of the problems, since proposed projects like Enbridge’s Line 3 replacement and TC Energy’s Keystone XL are fully approved (and largely constructed) in Canada but are stalled in the U.S.
Critics have blamed the Liberals for the failure of other pipeline proposals, such as Energy East by TC Energy.
What happens now to the Trans Mountain project will be a prime focus for the oilpatch.
Political scientist Lori Williams, with Calgary’s Mount Royal University, said the project should continue to proceed since both the Liberals and Conservatives support the pipeline expansion and no vote is needed in Parliament as construction slowly ramps up.
Cooper, with Acumen Capital, isn’t making any assumptions, especially if the Liberals form a coalition government.
“It’s definitely not certain that Trans Mountain is a go.”
Oil export pipelines are at capacity in Western Canada and, as a result, the industry is receiving a discount price for its crude. Companies are ramping up oil shipments by rail to help alleviate the bottleneck.
While the energy sector and the Prairie provinces were of little focus during the federal election campaign, the oil and gas industry remains a key driver of the economy and the country’s largest export.
While the economy and job creation are thriving in most parts of the country, Alberta in particular continues to struggle. The unemployment rate is high, and more than 20 per cent of the downtown office towers in Calgary are vacant.
The city’s mayor is hopeful the Trans Mountain project will proceed following the election result, but he’s growing impatient.
“If they wanted to shut it down, they could have shut it down,” Naheed Nenshi said about the Liberals purchasing the pipeline project.
“But the point is it hasn’t been built yet.”
And with Bill C-69, which Nenshi says would infrastructure projects including pipeline more difficult to build, “you can see why people are getting frustrated.”